President James
Monroe
April 28, 1758 -
July 4, 1831
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The Monroe Doctrine
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President James Monroe's
seventh annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823:
At the proposal of the
Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor
residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to
the Minister of the United States at St. Petersburgh to arrange, by
amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two
nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal
has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great
Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the
United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of
manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the
friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best
understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this
interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may
terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a
principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are
involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent
condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to
be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European
powers.
It was stated at the
commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in
Spain and Portugal, to improve the condition of the people of those
countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the result has been, so
far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that
quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from
which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested
spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the
most friendly, in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow
men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers,
in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor
does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights
are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make
preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere, we
are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must
be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political
system of the allied powers is essentially different, in this respect,
from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists
in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own, which
has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and
matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under
which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is
devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations
existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that
we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to
any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety.
With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we
have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments
who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose
independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles,
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of
oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by
any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an
unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between
those new governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time
of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue
to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of
the competent authorities of this government, shall make a
corresponding change, on the part of the United States, indispensable
to their security.
The late events in
Spain and Portugal, shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this
important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to
themselves, to have interposed, by force, in the internal concerns of
Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same
principle, is a question, to which all independent powers, whose
governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote,
and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy, in regard
to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have
so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the
same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its
powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate
government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to
preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting,
in all instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to
injuries from none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances
are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the
allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of
either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness: nor can
any one believe that our Southern Brethren, if left to themselves,
would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible,
therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with
indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of
Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it
must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true
policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the
hope that other powers will pursue the same course.
10/02/07
