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Not Yours to Give
Col.
Davy
Crockett
Born August 17, 1786
Died At The Alamo
March 6, 1836
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From The
Life of Colonel David Crockett
Member of the U.S. Congress 1827-30 & 1832-35
Compiled from The Life of Colonel David Crockett by Edward S. Ellis
(Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884)
One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up
appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval
officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The
Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose:
"Mr. Speaker --- I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased,
and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if suffering
there be, as any man in this house, but we must not permit our respect
for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into
an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an
argument to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money
as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have
the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we
please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right to
appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have
been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr.
Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in
office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the
government was in arrears to him."
"Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the
grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt.
We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as a charity.
Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our
own as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for
this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and, if every
member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the
bill asks."
He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage,
and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as,
no doubt it would but for that speech, it received but few votes and of
course, was lost.
Later when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation,
Crockett gave this explanation:
"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the
Capitol with some other members of Congress when our attention was
attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large
fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast we could. In spite
of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families
made houseless, and besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes
they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women
and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for
them. The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for
their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as
soon as it could be done.
The next summer, when it began to be time to think about the election,
I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district.
I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I
did not know what might turn up. When riding one day in part of my
district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man
in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that
I should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up, I spoke to the
man. He replied politely, but as I thought, rather coldly.
I began, 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called
candidates, and-'
'Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett, I have seen you once before
and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out
electioneering right now, but you had better not waste your time or
mine. I shall not vote for you again.'
This was a sockdolager, I begged him to tell me what was the matter.
'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worth while to waste time or words upon
it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter
which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the
Constitution, or that you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be
guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I
beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to
avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a
candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you.
I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution
is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my
rudeness, I should not have said that I believe you to be honest. But
an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot
overlook because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held
sacred and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields
power and misinterprets it, is the more dangerous the more honest he
is.'
'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about
it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any
constitutional questions.'
'No, Colonel, there is no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods
and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read
very carefully all the proceedings in Congress. My papers say that last
winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by
a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?'
'Well, my friend, I may as well own up. You have got me there. But
certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours
should give the insignificant amount of $20,000 to relive its suffering
women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury,
and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I
did.'
'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of, it is the
principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the
Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has
nothing to do with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing
money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be intrusted to
man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff,
which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be
and the poorer he is, the more he pays in proportion to his means.
What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the
weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can
ever guess how much he pays to the government. So you see, that while
you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands
who are even worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything,
the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as
much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000.
If you had the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all
and as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the
amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you may
believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may
think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would
open for fraud and corruption and favoritism on the one hand, and for
robbing the people on the other. No, Colonel, Congress has no right to
give charity.
Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please,
but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that
purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this country as in
Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have
thought to appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two
hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy
for the sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have
made over $13,000. There are plenty of men in and around Washington who
could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury
of life.
The Congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports to be
true, some of them spend not very credibly; and the people about
Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the
necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give. The people
have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do
certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay
moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation and
a violation of the Constitution.
So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I
consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger for the
country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the
limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it and no security for
the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make
it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned and you
see that I cannot vote for you.'
'I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and
this man should go talking, he would set others to talking and in that
district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him and the fact
is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But
I must satisfy him and I said to him:
Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not
sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by
it and thought I had studied it fully. I have head many speeches in
Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here at
your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine
speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you
have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given
that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever
vote for another unconstitutional law, I wish I may be shot.'
He haughtingly replied: 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once
before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you
are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will
do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around the
district, you will tell people about this vote and that you are
satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what
I can to keep down opposition, and perhaps, I may exert some little
influence in that way.'
'If I don't, I said, I wish I may be shot, and to convince you that I
am in earnest in what I say, I will come back this way in a week or ten
days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a
speech to them. Get up a barbeque and I will pay for it.'
No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty
of provisions to contribute for a barbeque and some to spare for those
who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days and we can
afford a day for a barbeque. This is Thursday. I will see to getting up
on Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday and we will go together
and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.'
'Well, I will be there. But one thing more before I say good-bye. I
must know your name.'
'My name is Bunce.'
'Not Horatio Bunce?'
'Yes.'
'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before though you say you have seen
me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you and very proud
that I may hope to have you for my friend.'
It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled
but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable
intelligence and incorruptible integrity and for a heart brimful and
running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not
only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country
around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his
immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before, I had heard
much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have
had opposition, and have been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man
could now stand up in that district under such a vote.
At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation
to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and
I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me
stronger than I had ever seen manifested before. Though I was
considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and under ordinary
circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept up until midnight
talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more
real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.
I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him - no, that
is not the world - I reverence and love him more than any living man,
and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you,
sir, if every one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and
enjoyed as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by
storm.
But, to return to my story. The next morning I went to the barbeque and
to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many
whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me
around until I had got pretty well acquainted - at least, they all knew
me. In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They
gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I opened by speech by
saying:
Fellow-citizens - I present myself before you today feeling like a new
man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or
prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I
can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service
than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for
the purpose of acknowledging my error than to see your votes. That I
should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you.
Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.
I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation
and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying:
And now, fellow citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that most
of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a
repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce,
convinced me of my error. It is the best speech I ever made in my life,
but he is entitled to the credit for it. And now I hope he is satisfied
with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so. He came
upon the stand and said:
'Fellow citizens, it affords me great pleasure to comply with the
request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly
honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that
he has promised to you today.'
He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davy
Crockett as his name never called forth before. I am not much given to
tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops
rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of
those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they
produced, is worth more to me than all the reputation I have ever made,
or ever shall make, as a member of Congress."
"Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech
yesterday."
