Justice and Saddam Hussein
Jeff Jacoby
December 19, 2003
President Bush and members of Iraq's governing council vow that Saddam
Hussein will be "brought to justice" in a trial that meets the
civilized world's standards of fairness. But let us be honest: There
will be no justice for Iraq's former ruler.
To be sure, his
judges will approach their task conscientiously and with dignity. He
will be defended by competent counsel, who will be given the time they
need to make their case. Witnesses for the prosecution will be subject
to cross-examination. And if Saddam is convicted, he will have the
right to appeal.
Nonetheless, justice will not be done.
Not in any courtroom in Iraq, not in any courtroom on earth. How could
it be? The very worst outcome Saddam is likely to face is a hanging or
execution by firing squad. For a killer with the blood of one or two
or 10 innocents on his hands, such a punishment might reasonably be
said to fit the crime. But what punishment could possibly fit the
crimes of a monster like Saddam, who is responsible for the murder and
torture of hundreds of thousands of human beings?
"This
is a regime" -- I am quoting "The Threatening Storm" by Kenneth
Pollack, a Middle East scholar who served two tours of duty
in Bill Clinton's National Security Council -- "that will gouge out the
eyes of children to force confessions from their parents and
grandparents. This is a regime that will crush all the bones in
the
feet of a 2-year-old girl to force her mother to divulge her father's
whereabouts. . . . This is a regime that will burn a person's limbs off
to force him to confess or comply. This is a regime that will
slowly
lower its victims into huge vats of acid, either to break their will or
as a means of execution. . . . This is a regime that will drag in a
man's wife, daughter, or other female relative and repeatedly rape her
in front of him. This is a regime that will force a white-hot
metal
rod into a person's anus or other orifices. This is a regime that
employs thalium poisoning, widely considered one of the most
excruciating ways to die. This is a regime that will behead a
young
mother in the street in front of her house and children because her
husband was suspected of opposing the regime. This is a regime
that
used chemical warfare . . . not just on the 15,000 killed and
maimed
at Halabja but on scores of other villages all across Kurdistan."
The liberation of Iraq from such mind-curdling horror was a profound
moral achievement. It marks the fourth time in little more than a
decade that the United States has freed Muslims from terror and
totalitarian cruelty. To see Saddam being led from his pit, haggard
and filthy and looking like a bus-station wino, was deeply satisfying,
and no one relished it more than the Iraqis he had enslaved for so
long. "The Fall of Saddam is Complete and the Sun has Returned to
Shine on Iraq" was the headline Monday in Al-Zaman, Iraq's leading
independent daily.
But not everyone is rejoicing. "The
capture of Saddam has not made America safer," Howard Dean sulked, and
there was mourning in Gaza City and Ramallah, where so many had danced
on Sept. 11. The moral obtuseness extended even to the Vatican, where
one senior official -- Cardinal Renato Martino, head of the Pontifical
Institute for Justice and Peace and a former papal envoy to the UN --
expressed his "pity" for Saddam. "Seeing him like this, a man in his
tragedy, despite all the heavy blame he bears, I had a sense of
compassion for him."
It will be one purpose of Saddam's
prosecution and trial to make it searingly clear, even to the Deans and
Martinos of the world, that the US-led war in Iraq was a great
blessing. It brought to an end one of the most evil regimes in human
history -- and did so in the teeth of thunderous opposition. If it is
organized properly, the trial of Saddam will lay the vast record of his
sadism and bestiality before the world. For the first time, the
tyrant's victims -- those who survived -- will have the chance to
appear on the world stage and speak of Saddam's inhumanity to a rapt
international audience.
And, no less important, they will
do so in Arabic -- a crucial element in the war to pull the Middle East
out of the dark ages.
It is Saddam and his accomplices who
will be in the dock at the Baghdad Trials. But in a sense, those who
willingly turned a blind eye to their crimes will be on trial, too --
the politicians and intellectuals and journalists and businessmen who
preferred to overlook or excuse the savagery of the Ba'athists. The
trials will be embarrassing to many in the antiwar movement and in the
French-German-Russian "Axis of Weasel" who worked so strenuously to
keep the United States from toppling Saddam. They may also embarrass
the US government, which for a long time was among those that ignored
Saddam's butchery. That history, too, should be brought out at trial.
At the trial of Saddam, as at the trial of Adolf Eichmann in 1961, the
prosecutor will not stand alone. With him will stand hundreds of
thousands of silent accusers -- the men, women, and children whose
voices were forever stilled during the long nightmare of Saddam's
reign, but whose blood has never ceased crying out from the ground.