Mary Anastasia O'Grady
Wall Street Journal
August 11, 2008
It is no secret that Hugo Chávez wants to be just like Fidel
Castro someday. And last week he took a step closer to that goal by
laying down 26 new decrees designed to eviscerate property rights and
further consolidate economic power in the presidential palace. He also
nationalized the third-largest bank in the country.
Yet it is not only in the economic realm that Hugo is mimicking his
Cuban idol. What has been less publicized is the Venezuelan president's
expanding collection of political prisoners, and his other sinister
methods of neutralizing opponents.
Hugo Chavez brings Venezuela another step closer to the Fidel model,
Americas columnist Mary Anastasia O'Grady tells James Freeman. (Aug. 11)
The economic measures of the Bolivarian Revolution are worrying enough
on their own. The government has proclaimed food production and
distribution a public good, which means that the state can intervene in
any way it wants. Indeed, it already has; and many believe that Mr.
Chávez now has the Venezuela food processor and beverage maker
Polar targeted for nationalization.
Mr. Chávez has spent nearly a decade trying to transform
Venezuela into a centrally planned economy. The results are dismal.
There are food shortages, private-sector investment and employment are
shrinking, and inflation for the past 12 months was almost 34%. A
rising homicide rate suggests that civil order is breaking down.
Nevertheless, Mr. Chávez appears pleased with the circumstances,
illuminating another way in which he resembles Castro: Both men are
narcissists above all else, and both have been driven by an intense
desire to rule as the omnipotent caudillo. The welfare of the nation is
beside the point.
In political terms, this means that all challengers to the president's
power must be put down, and forcibly if necessary. Contrary to claims
by both Connecticut Sen. Chris Dodd and Jimmy Carter that Mr.
Chávez's Venezuela is a democracy, this government is trying to
annihilate its political competition.
Mr. Chávez hasn't had to play hardball with many Venezuelans.
Few are secure enough to challenge him, and many have been easy to
co-opt by tying their financial survival to his agenda. Moreover,
Venezuela is a notoriously corrupt place, and it's not only the inner
Chávez circle that is enjoying the party.
There are, though, the few upstarts who can't be bought or intimidated;
and for them, Mr. Chávez has had to make use of his own version
of "the law."
Last week, his handpicked supreme court ruled that 260 aspiring
candidates for the November municipal and gubernatorial elections --
most of whom oppose him -- will be barred from the ballot because they
have been accused of corruption.
Of course this doesn't quite work under Venezuelan law, because an
individual may only be barred as a candidate if he is convicted. But
the Chávez government got around that problem: None has been
tried but the National Controller -- a chavista -- has declared them
guilty by fiat.
More ominous is the growing list of political prisoners. One is Ivan
Simonovis, the former chief of the Caracas metropolitan police, who
during his tenure earned a reputation as a disciplined professional and
dedicated crime fighter. He was the top cop in the city on April 11,
2002, the day of a mass protest that provoked the brief resignation of
the president.
Seventeen people were murdered that day, and an independent police
force would have tried to figure out who was behind the killings. But
Mr. Chávez took over the metropolitan police. Mr. Simonovis was
arrested on Nov. 22, 2004, accused of being responsible for three of
those deaths.
His wife Bonny is one of his lawyers, and I spoke to her by telephone
on Thursday. She told me it is against Venezuelan law to hold a suspect
for more than two years, but her appeals for his freedom have been
rejected. She also said that during his entire three years and eight
months of incarceration, her husband has been held in solitary in a
four square-meter cell that has no windows and no ventilation. His
health has deteriorated.
His trial, which began on March 20, 2006, is now the longest in
Venezuelan history. Closing statements were supposed to be heard last
week, but the judge granted the prosecution more time to review the
arguments. Mrs. Simonovis tells me that this means the case can drag on
for months longer, though no evidence to convict her husband has ever
been presented.
Another political prisoner is National Guard Lt. Col. Humberto
Quintero, who was responsible for capturing Colombian terrorist leader
Rodrigo Granda in Venezuela in December 2004 and turning him over to
Colombia. Mr. Quintero ought to be treated as a hero in Venezuela.
Instead he has been thrown into a maximum security prison and has been
allegedly tortured.
These men are being punished for nonconformity with chavismo. But their
arrests also serve as warnings to the rest of the nation: Get in the
way of Mr. Chávez's caudillo aspirations at your peril.
