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McConnell Halts Senate Over Judges - Sandy Froman
Friday, June 06, 2008
On May 22, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell gave a speech about
judicial nominations in the U.S. Senate, calling out Senator Harry Reid
for breaking his commitment to get judicial nominees a vote on the
Senate floor. McConnell said there would be consequences, and on June 4
he proved it by slamming on the brakes in the Senate.
With the California Supreme Court’s gay marriage ruling a couple
weeks ago and the Second Amendment case about to be decided by the U.S.
Supreme Court, the issue of judicial nominations could heat up. If so,
it could deliver some swing states in the presidential election and in
close Senate races.
The Constitution gives the president the authority to nominate judges,
and the Senate the power to confirm them. The Founding Fathers made it
clear that the president’s appointment power was broad and the
Senate’s role was limited. The Senate was only to ensure that the
president’s nominee was a person of fit character. As Alexander
Hamilton explained in The Federalist No. 76, the Senate should rarely
withhold approval and only when there are extreme reasons, such as the
nomination of an unqualified friend or family member.
For 200 years that was usually the way it worked. The Senate only
denied confirmation if there were problems with a nominee’s
education, experience, or integrity. Otherwise nominees were confirmed
regardless of their political beliefs. That’s why conservative
Antonin Scalia was confirmed to the Supreme Court 98-0, and liberal
Ruth Bader Ginsburg was confirmed 96-3. They were top graduates from
top law schools, with stellar careers as federal appellate judges and
good character.
But things have gone badly astray. Throughout President Bush’s
tenure, Senate Democrats have increasingly slowed or stopped
nominations not for reasons of qualification or character but because
they suspected the nominee was conservative. It started in 2001 when
Judge Charles Pickering was nominated to the Fifth Circuit. Judge
Pickering had support from diverse groups in Mississippi, including
that of local black civil rights groups for Pickering’s stand
against the Klu Klux Klan. The accusation against him? That he was
racist. The real reason for the opposition was that Pickering is an
evangelical Christian.
Some good nominees, like William Pryor, Priscilla Owen and Brett
Kavanaugh were eventually confirmed. Others, like Miguel Estrada, were
not.
This unforgivable obstructionism continues today.
As Senator McConnell explained, Peter Keisler, the former assistant
attorney general of the Justice Department’s civil division, was
nominated to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. He’s
been waiting for 700 days for an up or down vote. Attorney General
Keisler graduated from Yale Law, clerked for the D.C. Circuit and the
Supreme Court, served as associate White House counsel, and has had a
phenomenal legal career.
Another is the chief judge of North Carolina’s Western District,
Robert Conrad. The Fourth Circuit has so many vacancies that it has
been designated a judicial emergency. Chief Judge Conrad was nominated
to a seat on the Fourth Circuit, and has been waiting 300 days for a
vote.
Senator Reid gave his word to Senator McConnell that at least three
nominees would receive votes by Memorial Day. Senator Reid, working
with Judiciary Committee Chairman Pat Leahy, only allowed a vote on one
nominee.
Senator McConnell promised consequences. The Senate is a body where
many technical issues are usually passed by unanimous consent. If the
Republican minority starts raising objections, it would make life in
the Senate difficult for the Democratic majority.
Senator McConnell proved that on Wednesday. When a bill amendment is
offered the clerk must read it unless no senator objects to skipping
the reading. Reid put forward Senator Boxer’s substitute version
(an amendment) to the Lieberman-Warner bill. McConnell objected,
forcing Reid to either have the clerk read the whole thing or drop the
bill. The Boxer substitute was 491 pages.
Judges were a major election issue in the 2002 and 2004 elections.
Moderate voters believe judicial nominees are entitled to an up or down
a vote, so the issue favored Republicans. The issue narrowly turned a
couple Senate seats for Republicans, and helped President Bush win
reelection. Then the issue faded.
Recent developments could reinvigorate this issue for November’s
elections. California declared that there is a right to gay marriage in
its state constitution; marriages are scheduled to begin in two weeks.
And a week after that the U.S. Supreme Court is likely to hand down its
decision on the D.C. gun ban in the Second Amendment case of D.C. v.
Heller, which will be a wake-up call to millions of gun owners that
federal judges have a lot to say about their constitutional rights.
These cases remind voters that judges matter. At least two Supreme
Court justices are likely to retire over the next presidential term.
Changing even one seat on the current Court would have profound
effects. With courts determining basic issues like marriage and gun
rights, millions of voters will consider the importance of judicial
nominations in casting their vote if—but only if—the issue
is presented to them clearly and forcefully.
Mitch McConnell is right to bring this issue to the attention of the
American people. Judicial nominees deserve up or down votes, and
McConnell should keep up the pressure until they get them.
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